Singing Andalusia

? CONTENTS INTRODUCTION page. 2 1. Flamenco, specific cultural marker of a people: Andalusia page. 3 1.1. Geography opening page of cante jondo. 3 1.2. Social Origins of Flamenco: gypsy, the miner, the laborer and 4 1.3. Confusion between "popular Andalusian? And" Spanish national?. The "andalucinación? Page. 5 2. The flamenco and ritual spaces of sociability page. 7 2.1. Private versus flamenco Flamenco public. The distortion of the rite flamenco family celebration of flamenco-show page. 7 2.2. The trend of social segmentation in the habit 8 2.3. The total expression: the socio-cultural phenomenon and musical phenomenon pg. 10 3. Flamenco: an existential Hondón people. Love and pain page. 11 3.1. The Andalusian pansexualism: desire 11 3.2. The aesthetics of pain. Its 13 BIBLIOGRAP? A page. 15 Introduction Write precisely Luis Rosales at the beginning of his "distress? "The song is not spoken, not written the song? and I must honestly say that everything that comes next, ignoring Rosales, will be but a futile attempt to write it.

The song is not written. No. The song is sung. And writing about it is about him but without him. To hear, to touch, to drink it is necessary to live and, therefore, any attempt to theorize with him, shake him must necessarily be rational wasteland. Therefore, with this brief approach does not attempt to explain the song, reasonable, scientifically squeeze, but define some issues, at any rate peripheral, which serve to position itself as a profoundly human and profoundly product Andalusia. Why this whole phenomenon is the flamenco-but increasingly reduced to its musical-dimension is given, so original, only and exclusively in Andalusia, or, more simply, why it arises, appears to be due at the same rate or trend that moves man to write poetry, paint, paint or erect a temple to his own inclination to appropriate the world emotionally. And why Andalucía. The only possible explanation must be sought, inevitably, in these unique historical circumstances that have formed as a distinct people, in their distinctive cultural elements of other surrounding villages. Beyond all the topics that people seek to summarize crudely, there is always a people.

Andalusia is behind Andalusia itself, and behind the flamenco is flamenco. That is, the universal flamenco and marketed because there is necessarily possible that other locals who do not know if it will be pure, but more true. It is therefore necessary to go that way from the universal to the local to delve into their cultural roots in their emotional attachment to the specific nature of a people. For the flamenco draws tragic inexhaustible substance of the people, rooted festive, loving desire of its air and ground, and it therefore also planned so inextinguishable memory of the people. It is your testimony. So, if you know strike correctly, it can unravel these connections that have done fairly as possible. That is, see-hear-the very people singing to himself, or at least a part of it. Regardless of whether or not a gypsy, folk or popular, flamenco is a little Andalusian and as such should be understood. It is another way in which the people-Andalusian-through him, speaks to the people, perpetuating itself. Is, say, one of the ties that could be used to unite the various cultures that without mistakes, we might call "Andalusia.? 1.

Flamenco, specific cultural marker of a people's inaugural Andalucia 1.1 Geography Before framing cante jondo flamenco as a cultural product that will serve specific geographic coordinates, rather than objective evidence, as a reference point, it seems appropriate to try to define that, without avoiding the difficulty that the term "flamenco.? We can distinguish two types of fundamental theories, to mention those who view it as a creation and then popularized elite, made people and we will see and those character-Hebrew or Islamic about the origin and nature of flamenco, namely, those who argue that Gypsy is a phenomenon born within this community, and those who believe that it is a fact mainly Andalusian cultural result of the merger of the various and successive cultures in Andalusia. The first place to the Roma as the true protagonist of fact subject flamenco, from Genesis as a fundamental in singing and flamenco forms and may be right, but only in part. And this, because while Roma has played a specific role in the creation and development of song, we can not consider the Gypsy in the abstract as a founding people of flamenco, but the gypsy-Andalusian, the Andalusian-Gypsy.

"The Andalusian Gypsies do not have nothing to do with flamenco: is this, like so many elements of Andalusian culture, mestizo phenomenon, which is modeled on the features and elements of Moorish origin, Jewish, Gypsy and Spanish, all processed and fused in the crucible Andalusian ... Flamenco is not a trait specific but generically Roma Gypsies are Andalusians.? Therefore, what is fundamental in the Andalusian flamenco and gypsy "justify the identity of flamenco and gypsy is to simplify the matter, but by dint of confusion?, Caba-brothers say, and this is the specific reason , the formation of a people as a result of a unique historical process in its various forms-music-including existential, which explains that this phenomenon is given solely in Andalusia. Flamenco, therefore, arises as a cultural event in an area originally defined perfectly in space-time not so much in Andalusia, or more specifically the Lower Andalusia. If we had to crawl in search of a hypothetical point of origin of flamenco, it would have to look inside an imaginary triangle drawn between Lucena, Seville and Cadiz, according to R.

Molina, or in the opinion of other authors, fictitious lines join Morón de la Frontera, Jerez de la Frontera Round. Bridging these differences, given the impossibility of locating the exact source of initial creation, we can say that if flamenco could be labeled a geographical phenomenon, we should add immediately that this is strictly a geographic feature Andalusian, constituting almost an accident over the land. Within this triangle would be inaccurate, then the people / cradle of flamenco singing: La Puebla de Cazalla, Alcalá de Guadaira, Arcos de la Frontera, Grazalema, Lebrija, Utrera, Dos Hermanas, Mairena del Alcor ..., from the flamenco which extend to the rest of Andalusia and the east coast, first, and pulling the topic, the rest of the world, later becoming universal. It is, therefore, a largely agricultural area and livestock, but also traveled extensive trade with its headquarters in Cadiz and Seville, an area that will soon be a major economic focus of Europe-have into account the importance of Seville and later Cadiz-American trade, reaching even to generate fully capitalist relations when the rest of the continent remained a feudal economy to experience a state of backwardness and underdevelopment due to various reasons history, which lead to Andalusia to a subordinate status in all orders to the rest of the state.

This paradoxical situation modernity and backwardness, almost at once, which will cause a complete reversal of socio-economic picture and delve deeply Andalusian flamenco, conforming as deep existential echo of an entire people, "cante jondo is not just an art it is primarily and above all, half of categorical expression of life, ie: an existential. The immediate reflection of life, is what amazes us to hear the songs of flamenco.? 1.2 Origins of Flamenco social: the gypsy, the miner, the laborer and proletarian Despite those who believe that flamenco is an art cult "popular?" An artistic reflection on the existence of people and not a creation of popular anonymous ... a quintessential art of Andalusian?, alien, therefore, the social base that the stars and plays, flamenco is primarily an artifact resulting from the combination of a traditional Andalusian musical-cultural and series of socio-historical determinants of life of its inhabitants, who will serve as a means of externalizing their primary concerns - "flamenco is the elemental cry of a people mired in poverty and ignorance?, says R. Molina. We have to look, then, about the social origins and genesis alleged elitist and popular art-the result of an interpretation more or less correctly disconnected the life of the people.

For if any academic intervention in the setting of the various genres may not be denied, this, in any way, can completely negate the substantive result of Flamenco: Flamenco is the people above anything else, "is the confession Andalusia.? Flamenco is thus a product specifically Andalusian Andalusian an existential, created by the Andalusian village and not for the people-as a means of expression of the existential problems that have beset, reflecting, therefore, socio-economic conditions that has developed lives of their inhabitants. In the formation of the cante jondo we have found above the importance of the contribution-Andalusian gypsy, but also have vital importance of non-Roma from, in turn, different social sectors: mostly farm workers in the large estates, urban proletariat - made up of mostly rural migrants, and mining proletariat, which, together with the Andalusian gypsy minority, form the nucleus around which will be born and grow the flamenco.Como result of this convergence of diverse social circumstances in flamenco, are indistinguishable three groups of songs based on the social sector are born: flamenco-folk songs, flamenco-gypsy songs and songs miners. The first (fandangos, Malaga, granaínas, mountain ...) provide a highly local nature, always turning around social mores and traditional themes, the most pure Gypsies (tonás, siguiriyas, tangos, soleares and bulerías) for their part, be identified with the social marginality and its subject, more intimate, try the passion, pain, death ... and finally, the songs miners (Taranto, tarantas, Cartagena, later ...), mining, will focus on the issue of mine, and its protagonist and the individual subject in the human experience, but the social and economic subject as a reference for your work experience or proletarian.

In the songs appear more typically payos just the issue of marginalization and subalteridad, but keep the festive spirit, erotic and playful, the parochial and conventional Andalusian popular, while will refer to "own field work and world and things in their environment and the work (...) sea and small-craft vendors, wagon, esquilaperros ...? They abound in the terms that refer to the jobs described, fig, vine, oxen, plow, ship, oil, candle, metal, forge, hammer, flowers ... In the songs Gypsies, however, against social security and integration of flamenco own payo, if you will these fringe elements that characterize the "otherness gypsy.? "The experiences of Gypsies persecuted and imprisoned for justice are dumped in Flemish, in the ballads and romances tonás, and their variants, jailers, pile, deblas.? And not only will address the issue differences between payo and gypsy song, but also freedom measure, lengthening or shortening the lines according to the expressive needs. The singing miner, in turn, represents a real social chronicle of the everyday, the memory of traumatic experience that will cause the mine, in this sense, flamenco and gypsy flamenco mining have in common a difficult life circumstances, which differ from flamenco "popular?, a result of these ways of life.

The mining of Andalusia and Murcia Levante will be of peasant origin, used to work, therefore, in the open, thus experiencing the tragedy of the darkness of the pit, like any other mining town. In short, the social conditions that will support various layers "Flemish? decisively influence the development of the cante jondo, vital true reflection of them. Art or not, flamingo stands above all as human witness and sociological life of a people who, by their specific historical circumstances and enlighten music musical expression musician-existential-we called it before, that even transcend their limits deeply penetrate the human. 1.3. Confusion between "popular Andalusian? and "Spanish national?. The "andalucinación? Flamenco, like so many elements of Andalusian culture, strictly Andalusian, has suffered over the last century, and even today, "a permanent attempt to trivialize, or even fossilization prostitution in order to download its strong potential as an expression of implicit oppressed social existence have been called Andalusian classes and dis-identify as one of the major markers of ethnicity Andalusia.? For various reasons, the Andalusian has come to represent the essential identity of the alleged Spanish nation, with the consequent denial of Andalusia itself-the hackneyed notion of "Andalusia, Spain essence? - And standardizing the national scene.

Among the other theories that deny the Andalusian culture also find an essentially those which, without denying the existence of a specific ethnicity, considered to be Andalusian has a number of vital provisions, or lack of bias, that the "ideal vegetative existence? Ortega-essential and immutable that prevent it from forming their ethnic self-awareness, those who reject, going down in history as sacred dogma, that Andalusia constitute a differentiated social formation own culture, be it in his opinion the result of a variation of the Spanish; or those which exalt the Spanish state nationalism by mythology, considering the peninsula, except Portugal anecdotal, almost mystical as a community with a common destiny. And there's more, they argue equally absurd reasons, reductionist and mystifying approaches in favor of a nationalist and even international in some cases. What is clear is that flamenco should be considered a predominantly ethnic contribution of Andalusia, with very deep roots in this territory that has historically been perceived by its inhabitants as Andalusia, comparable only as an expression of a people existential jazz, with whom he shares the same way, although to a lesser extent, from local to universal.

And this is manifested by the fact irrefutably that the Andalusians, when they migrate, "I always carry with them and play wherever they are creative in sufficient numbers. This occurred in the nineteenth century, when they went to the mines of La Union and elsewhere in the East of Andalusia, giving rise to new mining songs, Cartagena and others, which, of course, remain flamingos, or when they were in the Caribbean, thus arose the so-called "round-trip songs?, (...) or when they went to Catalonia, where there is now a large number of rocks and flamenco concerts and where they have emerged a number of singers, singers, dancers and dancers .? 2. The flamenco ritual spaces of sociability and 2.1. Private versus flamenco Flamenco public. The distortion of the rite flamenco family celebration of flamenco-show According to Professor Cristina Cruces, flamenco was born in our land not only because it existed previous musical traditions serve as a framework or skeleton, or only by the heavy weight of Roma, as advocated by the "gypsies?, but also because of the peculiar forms of interaction through which one understands and demonstrates the sociability Andalusian within highly integrated small groups, socializing and recreation times ritualizing of everyday life.

Therefore we now define the flamenco, extending the first sight of it gave the beginning, as a geographic-born in a given territory-, cultural-results from the combination of a wide range of different cultural references, and social - consequence of social interaction within specific also. In flamenco, how could it be otherwise, will bring together the main features of the Andalusian cultural identity: anthropocentrism and social segmentation, symbolic rejection of inferiority and strong relativism about ideas and things, and they deeply marked development of sociability and rituals of flamenco. Flemish ritual forms, which we then essentially Flemish in its manifestations, that is, those non-commodified, these models reflect clearly Andalusian sociability "its realization in immediate contexts that provide direct social interactions and personalized and egalitarian sense given to them, the tendency, evident in his lyrics clearly religious-take on a human scale to phenomena and abstract ideas or the importance of local identity as a reference? -Note the large number of singers who enter their location to his stage name: Paquera de Jerez, Manuel Gerena, Naranjito de Triana ...-, are indisputable examples.

These rituals, in addition to preserving the structural features of the Andalusian identity, have some form of relationship that will be specifically Flemish, the teacher Cruces Roldán analyzed from three key variables: the level of institutionalization and formalization, the degree of participation and links between the parties that comprise them and the distinction between use value and exchange value of flamenco.En to the degree of formalization and institutionalization institutionalized talks or formal sociability when the interaction takes place within a default context; while the informal sociability would be one whose ultimate aim would be determined solely by the pursuit of social communication no more. within their own category that we called noninstitutionalized can distinguish two types: one that, even without being institutionalized, explicitly presented in a more or less formal, as is the case of partnerships and flamenco clubs, and that other non-formalized or spontaneous, whose main feature is the immediacy, its unique status and unique, examples of which could be a meeting in a bar or on the patio of a house. Regarding the level of participation and the links established between the members of flamenco ritual can be traced a continuum whose end would appear, on the one hand, the flamenco-show, have the lowest degree of involvement between singer / dancer and assistant is limited to being mere spectators of a purely professional performance and, on the other, the room or family party, where everyone participates, are flamingos, while not technically capable of singing, dancing or playing the guitar.

In cases that do not reach this emotional commitment, the wizard can cause some acceptance but not the recognition of "the same? by other social actors, the real flamingos. As regards the distinction between use value and exchange value of flamenco, a variable that the author considers the most important, the first refers to the satisfaction of a need or expressive music without any strictly commercial intent, that we could called "private flamenco? -Some clubs are designed exclusively for this purpose, such as threshing or alboreá. For its part, the exchange value refers to the commodity value, once it is integrated into market mechanisms, going to abide by the laws thereof. It would be, compared to private flamenco, that for public consumption, with essentially mercantilist intent, constituting a distorted or watered Flemish Flemish-less-of the possible. However, the different forms resulting from the application of these categories would not be more ideal forms and not strictly true, so it should be understood as elements of analysis, is no doubt that a festival performance in response to a commercial interest or professional versus family or intimate performance disinterested, but in some cases, can lead to spontaneous demonstrations, private flamenco own.

So the different types can be entangled with each other in practice, since flamenco is a living phenomenon, dynamic and not rigid. Also, it is almost inconceivable today a non-market flamenco is more, "flamenco has been inexorably linked in parallel to their status and change of use?, So that their inclusion should be considered commercial as a way further expansion and not as a break from tradition. Thus, we find traits we have attributed to purely family expression in different contexts and symbolic rituals. The trend toward egalitarian relationships, direct, face to face, feature private flamenco, is used with a high dose of artifice in clubs and festivals, through so-called "mask approach?. The rocks are presented as socialized land which have priority and peer relationships, masking contractual relations, which are customized in this way, while forming an economic strategy to reduce the cache of the artist. 2.2 The trend of social segmentation in the usual flamenco said earlier that the relationships established between the social actors involved in the strict flamenco phenomenon entiéndanse by it those ways in which the musical is not prevalent or nullifies the framework of interactions that generates flamenco-is distinguished by being egalitarian or symmetrical, constitute a "heart to heart? flamenco.

However, he also notable that, as indigenous cultural expression Andalusian traits were reflected fundamental identity of the mother culture. Therefore, although the interaction within each group is characterized by flamenco parity, "sociability models resulting in open looks, they are actually segmented in many ways. Social interaction within each group tends to express itself through networks, groups and quasi-groups may be relatively stable and exclusive to a certain level.? This is illustrated most clearly in the private spaces, noting that peculiarity of Andalusian sociability, that propensity to acting in groups and subgroups generally small in size, with a consciousness of "us? differentiated and poorly permeable to the outside.? The main criteria for segmentation flamingos operate according to the affinity, ethnicity and gender ascription. Affinity is expressed in the shared quality of "feel flamenco?, Of" lived flamenco? and not just the ability to run more or less technical correction. Is to know part of a dense community, establishing a network of meanings that binds all participants collectively building a closed universe.

This approach, in turn, appears interlaced, as applicable, with the other two, so that if, in the case of non-gypsy flamenco gypsy or segmentation through the affinity is highly sexed, Gypsies make up your community related in terms of ethnicity. This is due to the problem of "purity? Flemish, the widespread confusion between flamenco and gypsy, constituting almost in the non-gypsy sort of intrusion and contamination of the flamenco from Genesis preserved by the Roma, a true creator of the genre according to this belief. This segmentation is used in non-institutionalized contexts as a means of differentiation, "is a way to establish a barrier" us / them? a clear identity?, which serves as an investment strategy of status subordination clearing in other areas of social life presents the Roma from the rest of Andalusian population. Moreover, this has been orchestrated flamenco purity since the beginning of the professionalization of the song as "quality mark? by essentialist arguments, and is also the only source of income more or less stable and its only recognized profession. As for the gender segmentation, already noted above, in the case of Roma, despite this double subordination presupposes them-Roma women and Roma women, their role is ostensibly relevant in the world flamenco, but yes, in what respect the private world of flamenco family, because the practitioner has been reserved almost exclusively male members.

Meanwhile, among non-Roma women scarcely involved in ceremonial situations, except for certain circumstances, such as the "day of the woman's partner? organized by the rocks and little-understood subalteridad to be in a broader framework of relations. In any case, their share always goes through the male line, and possibly showing the unequal and non-Gypsy Roma women is due to the role of flamenco as part of socialization in their daily lives. In the professional field, this becomes widely evident in the vocals or guitar are virtually closed to women's participation, reasons given for this inherently expressive tonal or male and therefore inaccessible to female vocals. But not so with the dance, which is understandable if we consider the arguments in the case of touch and sing: Because, unlike these, flamenco dancing it does allow the overall development sensuality, feminine gestures and suggestions. If the woman can not sing the access by their gender to certain records melismatic, dance is a natural extension of her female field, thus explaining the great tradition of dancers and dance schools run by women.

This subordination, however, contrasts with the fundamental role played by women as a central element in the transmission of flamenco, which is reflected in the incorporation of the feminine to the professional names of many male artists, Paco de Lucia, Pepe that of the midwife ... The woman, therefore, stands as the linchpin in the perpetuation of flamenco - "is the core of flamenco?, Says Luis Rosales, being" the preferred sequence matriliny dissemination and preservation of basic musical structures and variants county and even relatives of his execution.? And is that flamenco is learned at home, rather than predominantly female Andalusian culture, where the woman is the real focus of informal family relationships and domestic. 2.3. The total expression: the socio-cultural phenomenon and musical phenomenon reseñábamos In a previous section that the introduction of flamenco within the channels of commerce should not be understood in the context of a break with tradition, but as an immersion in a new field, without which there can not possibly be understood in its recent history. That is, the flamenco disappears, it is denatured when breaking into the market or the market breaks into it, as in all things.

Moreover, this commercial explosion that has served to circles Andalusian nationals and aliens, until then completely oblivious to the world flamenco, have been close to him, whether exotic or purely curiosity through participation in a sense purely flamenco. However, although the commodification of flamenco has provided almost universal diffusion of it, has also provided a clear impoverishment of its expressive range, as only running those clubs that are more commercial and accessible to the public neophyte-bulerías, fandangos,

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3.2. I know.



He got up.



Seville.

Málaga.

Barcelona.



Seville. Málaga. Madrid.